Ebrahim Raisi

Ebrahim Raisi (born December 14, 1960, Mashhad, Iran) Iranian cleric, prosecutor, and politician who served as Iran’s head of the judiciary (2019–21) and later as the country’s president (2021– ).

Early life and education

Raisi grew up in the city of Mashhad, an important religious centre for the Twelver Shiʿah as the burial place of the eighth imam ʿAlī al-Riḍā. Raisi was born at the advent of land reform (1960–63) and the White Revolution development program (1963–79), when Iran was undergoing profound changes in its distribution of power and wealth. Although the country saw rapid modernization and urbanization, the clerical establishment was among those most visibly disenfranchised by the shah’s reforms. This was especially true in Mashhad, where the clerical establishment had extensive property holdings and enormous influence on the local economy.

Raised in a clerical family, Raisi received a religious education. In 1975 he attended seminary in Qom, the foremost intellectual centre of Shiʿi Islam, and studied under some of Iran’s most prominent clerics. At a time when Iranians were broadly dissatisfied with the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, many of the seminarians at Qom were engaged with the revolutionary ideals of Ruhollah Khomeini, whose interpretation of velāyat-e faqīh (guardianship of the jurist) sought to ensure clerical oversight of the government’s policy and administration. Raisi was purportedly an active participant in the events of 1978–79 that drove the shah into exile and established a system of government based on Khomeini’s vision.

Prosecutor for the Islamic republic

After the Iranian Revolution, the fledgling Islamic republic faced a number of immediate challenges, ranging from the Western-educated loyalists of the shah to secularist left-wing dissidents to all-out war with neighbouring Iraq. Raisi dedicated his career from the start to upholding the nascent regime against internal opposition. He underwent training in administration and soon joined the prosecutor’s office in Masjed Soleymān in southwestern Iran. Over the next six years, he gained further experience as a prosecutor for various jurisdictions, including Karaj city, Hamadan city, and Hamadan province. In 1985 he became deputy prosecutor in the country’s capital, Tehrān. In 1988, as the burdens of instability and the Iran-Iraq War weighed heavily on the regime, Khomeini ordered the execution of thousands of political prisoners (which he accused of collaborating with Iraq) and appointed Raisi to a committee tasked with determining whether prisoners were disloyal to the government.

After Ali Khamenei became rahbar (leader of Iran) in 1989, Raisi began to attain senior ranks within Iran’s judicial system. After serving as prosecutor of Tehrān (1989–94), his most prominent positions included head of the General Inspection Organization (1994–2004) and prosecutor general of the Special Court for the Clergy (2012–21), posts that oversee the integrity of government bodies and officials. As first deputy to the chief justice (2004–14), Raisi played a key role in the crackdown on dissidents after the unrest that followed the 2009 presidential election. Outside of the judiciary, Raisi also became a member of the Assembly of Experts (2007– ), a deliberative body tasked with replacing the rahbar if the office becomes vacant.

In 2016 Khamenei appointed Raisi custodian of the shrine of ʿAlī al-Riḍā in Mashhad, placing him in charge of Iran’s largest bonyad (charitable trust). The appointment, which lasted until 2019, placed billions of dollars’ worth of assets—and a sizable chunk of Iran’s gross domestic product—under Raisi’s control and without formal oversight. Many observers saw the appointment as an opportunity to raise Raisi’s clout with the country’s clerical and business elite.

Despite his own high-level position within the regime, Raisi built an image as a principled government critic who was tough on corruption. He ran against the incumbent Hassan Rouhani in the 2017 presidential election, criticizing Rouhani for concluding an international nuclear agreement (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA) that conceded too much while also failing to improve the socioeconomic condition of all but the wealthiest Iranians. Rouhani won in a landslide, apparently reflecting voters’ approval of the nuclear deal, but Raisi’s ability to garner 38 percent of the vote seemed to demonstrate that his populist rhetoric had nonetheless struck a chord. The withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA a year later, accompanied by the reimposition of U.S. sanctions on Iran, left Raisi vindicated in the eyes of many Iranians.

Upon his appointment as head of the judiciary in 2019, Raisi immediately pursued corruption cases against government officials and prominent businessmen, albeit selectively. Televised proceedings lent bite to his bark as he continued to criticize Rouhani’s government. Heightened tensions with the United States also gave resonance to his criticism, especially after a series of skirmishes with U.S. forces in late 2019 and early 2020. When the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps downed Ukraine International Airlines flight 752 in January 2020, mistaking the passenger plane for a U.S. cruise missile, Raisi oversaw the investigation into the tragic event. The investigation did little to hold Iranian officials publicly accountable, however, blaming the incident on errors of low-ranking operators.

Presidency

When Raisi ran in the presidential election of 2021, he continued to project himself as a principled defender against government corruption. At the same time, he voiced support for negotiating an international nuclear agreement that would take into account Iranian interests. But it was his high profile that made him the clear front-runner on the ballot, his most serious challengers having been disqualified in the weeks before the election. With voter turnout slightly below 50 percent, he won by an overwhelming margin and was inaugurated in August.

Although Raisi inherited a pervasive crisis that was brought about by international sanctions and the coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, he showed more concern for regime security than economic relief at the beginning of his term. His first budget proposal allocated a significant increase in funding for the defense establishment but maintained austerity in domestic spending. The government ramped up its COVID-19 vaccination drive early in his presidency, but little was done to remedy the ailing economy, despite a water shortage and rising inflation. Little urgency was shown toward renewing the JCPOA, which would have lifted sanctions; Raisi first sought to strengthen ties with China and with Iran’s neighbours (including restoring relations with nearby Saudi Arabia in 2023) before engaging seriously in negotiations with the West. By the time a renewed deal was close at hand, new geopolitical developments had made the timing difficult for closing the deal.

In line with the increased investment in regime security, the government clamped down on dissent. It stepped up surveillance and censorship, including the enforcement of state-sanctioned attire by the so-called morality police (Gasht-e Ershad), and the number of executions spiked. Women, as well as ethnic and religious minorities, were disproportionately affected.

Meanwhile, the economy deteriorated further, as inflation soared and unemployment grew. Additionally, food prices increased because of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In May Raisi announced a program of “economic surgery” that included a sudden cut to subsidies for food. The price of some food items nearly tripled overnight.

The combined push for austere economic measures and regime security infuriated many Iranians. Protests picked up in May with the sudden spike in food prices. Although they were massive and widespread, those protests were dwarfed by the rage that brought Iranians to the street in September: Iranians demonstrated en masse after a Kurdish woman, Jina Mahsa Amini, died while in custody for “improper” clothing. Her death represented a microcosm of Iranians’ varying and many grievances, from the subjugation of women to the suppression of minorities and the overall indifference of the government toward its citizens’ welfare. Women took a leading role in the protest movement, removing their veils and cutting their hair in public demonstrations, and a chant long used by Kurdish activists—“Woman, Life, Freedom” (Kurdish: “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî”; Persian: “Zan, Zendegī, Āzādī”)—was widely adopted. Although the protests transcended the boundaries of Iranian society, and even included Shiʿi clerics who favoured voluntary hijab covering, Raisi blamed foreign actors for fomenting the unrest.