Mauricio Macri

Mauricio Macri (born February 8, 1959, Tandil, Buenos Aires province, Argentina) Argentine sports executive and politician who served as president of Argentina (2015–19).

Macri was the son of Franco Macri, a wealthy and politically well-connected Italian-born businessman whose Macri Group was one of Argentina’s leading corporate conglomerates. The younger Macri received his high-school diploma from the exclusive Christian Brothers-run Cardinal Newman College in the Buenos Aires suburb of San Isidro. After Macri earned a degree in civil engineering from the Pontifical Catholic University of Argentina in Buenos Aires, he went to work for a series of companies within the Macri Group portfolio. Macri was kidnapped in 1991 by a gang of corrupt police officers and was released two weeks later after his father paid a $6 million ransom.

In 1995 Macri was elected president of Boca Juniors, Argentina’s most popular association football (soccer) club, which boasted of having more fans in every province than any other team. During his 12-year stint as Boca’s president (1995–2007), the team achieved considerable success, with six biannual national championships and four Copa Libertadores de América titles as well as improvements to its revenue model and the expansion of its historic stadium. Macri’s leadership of Boca generated a tremendous amount of positive national exposure for him.

In 2003 Macri founded the political party Commitment for Change (CPC), which provided the foundation for the successor party, Republican Proposal (PRO). Under his leadership, over the next dozen years, PRO was transformed into Argentina’s first new nationally viable and competitive political party in more than 60 years.

Macri’s initial foray into electoral politics took place in 2003 when he ran for mayor of Buenos Aires. He won a plurality of the vote in the first round but was forced into a second-round runoff election, which he lost. In the 2005 congressional elections, he headed the victorious CPC party list in City of Buenos Aires, assuming his post as a national deputy in December of that year. Macri again ran for mayor in 2007 and was again forced into a runoff, but this time he was victorious. He was reelected in 2011 after winning his third consecutive runoff.

In 2015 Macri ran for president of Argentina. His main opponent was Daniel Scioli, the Peronist candidate who was endorsed by outgoing president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and was widely seen as the favourite. In a surprise, Macri forced a runoff election, in which he narrowly defeated Scioli with 51 percent of the vote. His four-year term began on December 10, 2015. Macri vowed to improve the country’s dismal reputation among investors, boost economic growth, and repair Argentina’s frayed diplomatic relations with a host of other countries and key multilateral institutions.

Macri made dramatic steps in that direction in February 2016 when he negotiated a settlement with the litigating U.S. hedge funds that had refused to join other creditors in 2005 and 2010 in restructuring the debts owed to them by Argentina. In June 2014 the U.S. Supreme Court chose not to hear Argentina’s appeal of a lower court’s decision that ordered the country to pay those holdout creditors in full before making any payments to the other creditors, forcing the country into technical default. Fernández de Kirchner adamantly refused to pay the holdouts, and the Argentine Congress passed legislation preventing payment to them. Macri’s more conciliatory approach won a settlement that called for Argentina to pay the holdout creditors roughly 75 percent of what was owed to them, a total of some $4.6 billion. By the end of March both houses of the opposition-controlled Congress had approved the deal and removed the necessary restrictions for it to go through. In March Macri also welcomed a state visit by U.S. Pres. Barack Obama, which seemed to herald a new era in more cordial relations between Argentina and the United States.

In April 2016 Macri’s campaign pledge to fight corruption was widely questioned when it was revealed that he had failed to declare his connection with an offshore tax-haven-registered company before either becoming mayor of Buenos Aires in 2007 or assuming the presidency. This information came to light as part of a leak of some 11.5 million documents from a secretive Panamanian law firm. The so-called Panama Papers exposed how 12 current or former world leaders as well as dozens of other politicians, public officials, and celebrities throughout the world had used tax havens to hide their wealth. Macri, who from 1998 to 2009 had served as the director of Fleg Trading—a Bahamas-registered company that had been started by his father—claimed that he had engaged in no impropriety because he neither had received income from his position nor held a stake in the company. Questions were also raised about Macri’s involvement with a second offshore company in which his father was engaged.

Because Macri’s ability to change the country’s economic policies was limited by his lack of majority support in Congress, he tried to implement market-oriented reforms gradually. Early in his tenure, his administration raised interest rates in an attempt to stem inflation, which brought results in 2017 when inflation fell to about 26 percent. The Macri government also devalued the peso, removed taxes on some exports, and relaxed some exchange controls. The October 2017 midterm congressional elections—in which one-third of the Senate’s seats and nearly half of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies were up for grabs—were widely interpreted as a referendum on Macri’s presidency. Although voters did not provide Macri’s Let’s Change (Cambiemos) coalition with a majority in either house, they did dramatically increase the margins by which the coalition was the biggest presence in both bodies. In the 257-seat Chamber of Deputies Let’s Change went from 86 seats to 107, and in the 72-seat Senate its representation climbed from 15 seats to 24. Most of the gains came at the expense of the Peronist party, whose leader, former president Fernández de Kirchner, suddenly seemed to pose less of a challenge to Macri’s prospects for reelection in 2019.

Interpreting Let’s Change’s strong showing in the midterm elections as a kind of mandate, Macri’s government upped its inflation-fighting targets while lowering interest rates, thereby contradicting the approach taken by the Central Bank and, in the eyes some observers, undermining the bank’s credibility. In an attempt at deficit reduction, the government had early on cut energy and transportation subsidies, resulting in huge increases in the prices of electricity, natural gas, and transportation. Meanwhile, its reductions in public spending had contributed to wages stagnating. GDP had grown by 2.7 percent in 2017, but in 2018 it declined by more than 2 percent. When he came into office, Macri had promised to deliver “zero poverty,” but instead his policies resulted in an increase in the poverty rate from about 29 percent to about 35 percent. In 2018, with inflation climbing and the economy sinking back into recession, Macri secured a loan of some $57 billion from the IMF, raising fears among some Argentines that the country was headed for another catastrophic fiscal crisis.

The failing economy was the central issue as the 2019 election season kicked into high gear. In 2009 Argentine election law had been changed to require nonpartisan presidential primary elections in which candidates had to win at least 1.5 percent of the vote to be eligible to stand in the regular election. Macri made a dismal showing in the 2019 primary, capturing about 32 percent of the vote, whereas the Peronist candidate, Alberto Fernández, was the biggest vote getter with some 48 percent of the votes cast. Former president Fernández de Kirchner had been expected to be the Peronist standard bearer, but she chose to take second place on the ticket to Fernández, who had once served as her cabinet chief.

By the time of the October general election, inflation had risen to about 50 percent, the highest rate for any of the Group of 20 countries. Although Macri performed better in the general election than he had in the primary, claiming 40 percent of the vote, he did not garner enough support to prevent Fernández from reaching the 45 percent threshold necessary to prevent a runoff election. By capturing 48 percent of vote, Fernández earned the right to succeed Macri as president in December.