- India from the Paleolithic Period to the decline of the Indus civilization
- The development of Indian civilization from c. 1500 bce to c. 1200 ce
- The early Muslim period
- The Mughal Empire, 1526–1761
- The reign of Akbar the Great
- India and European expansion, c. 1500–1858
- British imperial power, 1858–1947
V.P. Singh’s coalition—its brief rise and fall
V.P. Singh, who had initially denied any interest in becoming prime minister, emerged after the 1989 elections as the leader of the loosely knit JD coalition whose extreme wings were basically antipathetic to each other. Haryana’s Jat leader, Chaudhary Devi Lal, who nominated V.P. Singh for prime minister, became deputy prime minister, thus raising fears in Punjab that another period of harsh Delhi rule was about to begin. V.P. Singh’s first visit as prime minister, however, was to Amritsar’s Golden Temple, where he walked barefoot to announce that he hoped to bring a “healing touch” to Punjab’s sorely torn state. Singh promised a political solution for the region’s problems, but, reflecting the ambivalence in his new coalition, the move in Amritsar was not followed up by the transfer of Chandigarh, nor indeed by any state elections.
A similar ambivalence within the coalition was seen with respect to events in Ayodhya (in Uttar Pradesh), an ancient capital and—as most orthodox Hindus believe—birthplace of the deity Rama. The Babri Masjid, a mosque erected by the Mughal emperor Bābur in Ayodhya, was said to have been built over the very site of Rama’s birthplace, where a more ancient Hindu temple, Ram Janmabhoomi, was supposed to have stood. In the fall of 1990 a mass march of Hindus bearing consecrated bricks to rebuild “Rama’s birth temple” won the support of most members of Advani’s BJP, as well as of many other Hindus throughout India. V.P. Singh and his government, however, were committed to India as a secular nation and would not permit the destruction of the mosque, which Muslims considered one of their oldest and most sacred places. India’s police were thus ordered to stop the more than one million Hindus marching toward Ayodhya, including Advani himself, who rode in a chariot such as Rama might have used. On October 23, the day that Advani was stopped and arrested, Singh lost his Lok Sabha majority, as the BJP withdrew its support for the coalition.
Singh had earlier come under severe attack from many upper-caste Hindus of northern India for sponsoring implementation of the 1980 Mandal Commission report, which recommended that more jobs in all services be reserved for members of the lower castes and Dalit (formerly untouchable) outcaste communities. After he announced in August 1990 that the recommendations would be enforced, many young upper-caste Hindus immolated themselves in protests across northern India. V.P. Singh’s critics accused him of pandering to the lower castes for their votes, and many members of his own party deserted him on this searing issue, foremost among them Chandra Shekhar, who led a splinter group of JD dissidents out of Singh’s coalition. On November 7, 1990, V.P. Singh resigned after suffering a vote of no confidence by a stunning margin of 356 to 151.
Most of those who voted against the prime minister were members of Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress (I) Party, for Gandhi retained the largest single block of party faithful in the Lok Sabha; however, Advani’s BJP support also lined up against Singh. The smallest new party bloc in the Lok Sabha belonged to Shekhar, whose Janata Dal (S)—the S stood for Socialist—gained the support of Gandhi and thus came to be invited by President Ramaswamy Venkataraman to serve as prime minister before the end of 1990. Devi Lal, who in August had been ousted by Singh, again became deputy prime minister. With fewer than 60 Janata (S) members in the Lok Sabha, however, the new prime minister’s hold on power was tenuous and not expected to survive any longer than deemed expedient by Gandhi and the Congress (I) bloc. When the Congress (I) walked out of the Lok Sabha in March 1991, Shekhar had little choice but to resign and call on President Venkataraman to announce new general elections.
Congress government of P.V. Narasimha Rao
The first round of the elections took place on May 20, but the following day in Tamil Nadu, in a small town just south of Madras (now Chennai), Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated in a suicide bomb attack. A woman apparently of Sri Lankan Tamil origin and bearing a concealed plastic bomb destroyed herself and more than a dozen others crowded around Gandhi, who, though expected to regain the post of prime minister, had abandoned his previous security precautions to campaign more vigorously. The other two rounds of the elections were postponed in respect for the young leader. After Sonia Gandhi, Rajiv’s Italian-born widow, declined an invitation by the central committee of the Congress (I) to replace her husband as party president, the Congress (I) closed ranks behind P.V. (Pamulaparti Venkata) Narasimha Rao, one of its most senior leaders and diplomats, and unanimously elected him Congress (I) president.
“The only way to exist in India is to coexist,” Rao told his pluralistic country as election campaigning resumed in early June. Though the younger Gandhi’s assassination apparently had ended the Nehru dynasty, the Nehru legacy of secular democratic development for India remained embodied at the head of the Congress (I). Born in the southern presidency of Madras in what later became Andhra Pradesh state, Rao had been a disciple of Mohandas Gandhi and of Nehru, had served in the Lok Sabha, and was appointed foreign minister under both Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. On June 20, after the Congress (I) won more than 220 of the 524 seats contested for the Lok Sabha, Rao was able to form a minority government and became the first Indian prime minister from a southern state. The opposition in the Lok Sabha was led by Advani, whose BJP won some 120 seats, reaching a new peak in popularity, especially in the Hindi-speaking heartland of northern India, where it took control of India’s most populous state, Uttar Pradesh. The JD gained fewer than 60 seats, just slightly more than the approximately 50 seats won by the two communist parties.
The Rao government’s nearly five-year rule was marked by many challenges. In 1992 Advani’s promise to resume his “sacred pilgrimage” to Ayodhya to erect Rama’s temple became an immediate and potentially explosive issue when, despite promises of restraint from Hindu nationalist leaders, an army of Hindu protestors tore down the Babri Masjid in December of that year. The destruction of the 464-year-old mosque ignited the country’s worst interreligious rioting since the Indian partition of 1947 and set the stage for severe clashes between Hindu and Muslim extremists during the rest of the decade and into the early years of the 21st century.
Also in 1992, amid allegations of corruption within the Rao government, a number of bankers, brokers, and political figures were indicted in a wide-scale stock market swindle in which public funds were used to inflate stock prices in order to benefit the conspirators. Those financial misdealings took place in a framework of growing economic liberalization, deregulation, and privatization that had begun under the government of Rajiv Gandhi and that continued unabated through the close of the century. India’s move toward a more market-oriented economy was fueled largely by an educational system that produced a huge number of graduates in technology and the sciences, and India experienced a dramatic growth in its high-technology and computer sectors.
Stanley A. WolpertIndia since the mid-1990s
The first and second BJP governments
The BJP becomes the largest party in the Lok Sabha
Despite a booming national economy, the Congress Party—the “(I)” was by then dropped—polled poorly in the 1996 general election, falling from 260 seats in the Lok Sabha to only 140 (at that point an all-time low). In part, the drop in Congress support stemmed from accusations of political corruption on the part of Rao. To some extent, however, it signaled a rise in Hindu nationalism in the form of the BJP. That party increased its representation in the Lok Sabha from 113 to 161, the overall largest party representation, but no party had sufficient seats to form a government. The BJP, led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee, was unable to form a stable coalition, and Vajpayee held the premiership for scarcely a week.
A hastily contrived coalition, the JD-led United Front (UF), headed by the JD’s H.D. Deve Gowda, soon was able to form a government. But the UF relied on the backing of the Congress from the outside (i.e., support without being a member of the coalition), in exchange for continuing certain Congress policies. The coalition still proved unstable, and Gowda was replaced as prime minister in April 1997 by Inder Kumar Gujral, also of the JD. However, an interim report on Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination released in November stated that the Dravidian Progressive Federation (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam; DMK) party, a member of the UF, shared responsibility in Gandhi’s death. The Congress Party removed its support, and, after the collapse of the UF, new elections were slated for March 1998. (The claims against the DMK were never substantiated.)
BJP gains in elections
Much to the chagrin of the Congress Party, the BJP polled well in the March elections, increasing its membership in the Lok Sabha from 160 seats to 179. The Congress, now led by Sonia Gandhi, increased their representation slightly, garnering an additional five seats. No single party seemed to be in a position to form a government (the JD’s total had fallen to a mere six seats), and it was only after much politicking that the BJP was able to form a new governing coalition, again under Vajpayee.
The BJP-led coalition, called the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), crumbled in April 1999 and operated as a caretaker government until elections that fall. The BJP again had a good outing, outpolling all other parties and raising its representation in the Lok Sabha to 182 seats, and a second NDA government was formed. The Congress representation in the lower house eroded even further, to 112 seats.
India had conducted its first nuclear weapons test in 1974, but its program for developing and fielding such weapons had been covert. Under the BJP, India publicly and proudly declared itself a member of those states possessing nuclear weapons, and in May 1998—within months of the BJP coming to power—India conducted a series of five nuclear weapons tests. That action apparently was interpreted as sabre rattling by Pakistan, which responded by detonating its own nuclear devices. The international community harshly condemned both sides and urged the two new nuclear powers to begin a dialogue, particularly on the unresolved question of Kashmir.
Despite several tentative steps toward rapprochement, armed conflict broke out between India and Pakistan in the high mountains of the Kargil region of Jammu and Kashmir state (now in Ladakh union territory) in May 1999. The resulting Kargil War (May–July 1999) left several hundred combatants dead from each country. Eventually, intense international pressure induced the Pakistani government to withdraw its troops to its side of the line of control. Nonetheless, Kashmir continued to be a point of contention, and acts of terrorism conducted by extremists hoping to change Indian policy toward the region grew more common and severe.
Divisiveness of BJP government
The BJP espoused a broad Hindu nativism. During the years of NDA government, Hindu products were favoured over imports, names of cities were changed—either to reflect the precolonial name (e.g., Chennai for Madras) or to bring the name more in line with local pronunciation (Kolkata for Calcutta)—and the party openly opposed what it considered non-Hindu values. Three new Indian states were created in 2000: Chhattisgarh out of southeastern Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand out of southern Bihar in the east and Uttaranchal (later Uttarakhand) out of northwestern Uttar Pradesh in the north.
Given India’s tradition of secular politics, many Indians were uncomfortable with the BJP’s pro-Hindu approach, and that discomfort was perhaps one of the reasons why the BJP had such a poor showing at the May 2004 elections. Also fresh in the minds of voters was an outbreak of severe sectarian violence in Gujarat in 2002, which began when Muslims were accused of having attacked and set fire to a train carrying Hindu pilgrims. Several dozen people on board were killed, and the incident touched off a violent Hindu backlash in the state. According to an official government report, more than 1,250 people died or were reported missing and presumed dead from the attacks, of which some three-fourths were Muslims. Another 2,500 people were said to have been injured. The BJP-controlled Gujarat government, led by the chief minister, Narendra Modi, was accused of doing little or nothing to stop the killings. Modi himself was never linked to any involvement in the riots, but members of the BJP did receive prison sentences for participating in the killings.